Consumer Ethics -- Considerations in a Global Market

Consumer Ethics Considerations in a Global Market Many people around the world work to consider consumer ethics and  make ethical consumer choices in their everyday lives. They do this in response to the troubling conditions that plague global supply chains and the human-made climate crisis. Approaching these issues from a sociological standpoint, we can see that our consumer choices matter because they have sweeping economic, social, environmental, and political implications that reach far beyond the context of our everyday lives. In this sense, what we choose to consume matters very much, and it is possible to be a conscientious, ethical consumer. However, is it necessarily this simple? When we broaden the critical lens through which we examine consumption, we see a more complicated picture. In this view, global capitalism and consumerism have created crises of ethics that make it very difficult to frame any form of consumption as ethical. Key Takeaways: Ethical Consumerism What we buy is often related to our cultural and educational capital, and consumption patterns can reinforce existing social hierarchies.One perspective suggests that consumerism may be at odds with ethical behavior, as consumerism seems to bring about a self-centered mentality.Although the choices we make as consumers do matter, a better strategy may be to strive for ethical citizenship rather than merely ethical consumption. Consumption and the Politics of Class At the center of this problem is that consumption is tangled up in the politics of class in some troubling ways. In his study of consumer culture in France, Pierre Bourdieu found that consumer habits tend to reflect the amount of cultural and educational capital one has and also the economic class position of one’s family. This would be a neutral outcome if the resulting consumer practices were not slotted into a hierarchy of tastes, with wealthy, formally educated people at the top, and the poor and not formally educated at the bottom. However, Bourdieu’s findings suggest that consumer habits both reflect and reproduce the class-based system of inequality that courses through industrial and post-industrial societies. As an example of how consumerism is tied to social class, think about the impression you might form of a person who frequents the opera, has a membership to an art museum, and enjoys collecting wine.  You probably imagined that this person is relatively wealthy and well-educated, even though these things weren’t explicitly stated. Another French sociologist, Jean Baudrillard, argued in For a Critique of the Political Economy of the Sign, that consumer goods have a â€Å"sign value† because they exist within the system of all goods. Within this system of goods/signs, the symbolic value of each good is determined primarily by how it is viewed in relation to others. So, cheap and knock-off goods exist in relation to mainstream and luxury goods, and business attire exists in relation to casual clothing and urban wear, for example. A hierarchy of goods, defined by quality, design, aesthetics, availability, and even ethics, begets a hierarchy of consumers. Those who can afford the goods at the top of the status pyramid are viewed in higher standing than their peers of lower economic classes and marginalized cultural backgrounds. You might be thinking, â€Å"So what? People buy what they can afford, and some people can afford more expensive things. What’s the big deal?† From a sociological standpoint, the big deal is the collection  of assumptions we make about people based on what they consume. Consider, for instance, how two hypothetical people might be perceived differently as they move through the world. A man in his sixties with clean cut hair, wearing a smart sport coat, pressed slacks and collared shirt, and a pair of shiny mahogany colored loafers drives a Mercedes sedan, frequents upscale bistros, and shops at fine stores like Neiman Marcus and Brooks Brothers. Those he encounters on a daily basis are likely to assume him smart, distinguished, accomplished, cultured, well-educated, and moneyed. He is likely to be treated with dignity and respect, unless he does something egregious to warrant otherwise. By contrast, a 17 year-old boy, wearing disheveled thrift store attire, drives his used truck to fast food restaurants and convenience stores, and shops at discount outlets and cheap  chain stores. It is likely that those he encounters will assume him to be poor and undereducated. He may experience disrespect and disregard on a daily basis, despite how he behaves toward others. Ethical Consumerism and Cultural Capital In a system of consumer signs, those who make the ethical choice to purchase fair trade, organic, locally grown, sweat-free, and sustainable goods are also often seen as morally superior to those who don’t know, or don’t care,  to make these kinds of purchases. In the landscape of consumer goods, being an ethical consumer awards one with heightened cultural capital and a higher social status in relation to other consumers. For example, buying a hybrid vehicle signals to others that one is concerned about environmental issues, and neighbors passing by the car in the driveway might even view the car’s owner more positively. However, someone who can’t afford to replace their 20-year-old car may care about the environment just as much, but they would be unable to demonstrate this through their patterns of consumption. A sociologist would then ask, if ethical consumption reproduces problematic hierarchies of class, race, and culture, then, how ethical is it? The Problem of Ethics in a Consumer Society Beyond the hierarchy of goods and people fostered by  consumerist culture, is it even possible to be an ethical consumer? According to Polish sociologist Zygmunt Bauman, a society of consumers thrives on and fuels rampant individualism and self-interest above all else. He argues that this stems from operating within a consumerist context in which we are obligated to consume to be the best, most desired and valued versions of ourselves. With time, this self-centered standpoint infuses all of our social relationships. In a society of consumers we are prone to be callous, selfish, and devoid of empathy and concern for others, and for the common good. Our lack of interest in the welfare of others is furthered by the waning of strong community ties in favor of fleeting, weak ties experienced only with others who share our consumer habits, like those we see at the cafà ©, the farmers market, or at a music festival. Rather than investing in communities and those within them, whether geographically rooted or otherwise, we instead operate as swarms, moving from one trend or event to the next. From a sociological standpoint, this signals a crisis of morals and ethics, because if we are not part of communities with others, we are unlikely to experience moral  solidarity with others around the shared values, beliefs, and practices that allow for cooperation and social stability. The research of Bourdieu, and the theoretical observations of Baudrillard and Bauman, raise the alarm in response to the idea that consumption can be ethical. While the choices we make as consumers do matter, practicing a truly ethical life requires going beyond just making different consumption patterns. For example, making ethical choices involves investing in strong community ties, working to be an ally to others in our community, and thinking critically and often beyond self-interest. It is difficult to do these things when navigating the world from the standpoint of a consumer. Rather, social, economic, and environmental justice follow from ethical  citizenship.

Parataxis in Steinbecks Paradox and Dream

Parataxis in Steinbeck's 'Paradox and Dream' Though best known as a novelist (The Grapes of Wrath, 1939), John Steinbeck was also a prolific journalist and social critic. Much of his writing dealt with the plight of the poor in the United States. His stories allow the reader to question what it means to be American especially during hard times like the Great Depression or times of great social upheaval during the Civil Rights Movement. In the essay Paradox and Dream (from his final nonfiction book, America and the Americans), Steinbeck examined the paradoxical values of his fellow citizens. His familiar paratactic style (heavy on coordination, light on dependent clauses) is clearly illustrated here in the opening paragraphs of the essay. From "Paradox and Dream"* (1966) by John Steinbeck 1 One of the generalities most often noted about Americans is that we are a restless, a dissatisfied, a searching people. We bridle and buck under failure, and we go mad with dissatisfaction in the face of success. We spend our time searching for security, and hate it when we get it. For the most part, we are an intemperate people: we eat too much when we can, drink too much, indulge our senses too much. Even in our so-called virtues, we are intemperate: a teetotaler is not content not to drinkhe must stop all the drinking in the world; a vegetarian among us would outlaw the eating of meat. We work too hard, and many die under the strain; and then to make up for that we play with a violence as suicidal. 2 The result is that we seem to be in a state of turmoil all the time, both physically and mentally. We are able to believe that our government is weak, stupid, overbearing, dishonest, and inefficient, and at the same time we are deeply convinced that it is the best government in the world, and we would like to impose it upon everyone else. We speak of the American Way of Life as though it involved the ground rules for the governance of heaven. A man hungry and unemployed through his own stupidity and that of others, a man beaten by a brutal policeman, a woman forced into prostitution by her own laziness, high prices, availability, and despairall bow with reverence toward the American Way of Life, although each one would look puzzled and angry if he were asked to define it. We scramble and scrabble up the stony path toward the pot of gold we have taken to mean security. We trample friends, relatives, and strangers who get in the way of our achieving it, and once we get it we shower i t on psychoanalysts to try to find out why we are unhappy, and finallyif we have enough of the goldwe contribute it back to the nation in the form of foundations and charities. 3 We fight our way in and try to buy our way out. We are alert, curious, hopeful, and we take more drugs designed to make us unaware than any other people. We are self-reliant and at the same time completely dependent. We are aggressive and defenseless. Americans overindulge their children; the children, in turn, are overly dependent on their parents. We are complacent in our possessions, in our houses, in our education; but it is hard to find a man or woman who does not want something better for the next generation. Americans are remarkably kind and hospitable and open with both guests and strangers; and yet they will make a wide circle around the man dying on the pavement. Fortunes are spent getting cats out of trees and dogs out of sewer pipes; but a girl screaming for help in the street draws only slammed doors, closed windows, and silence. *Paradox and Dream first appeared in John Steinbecks America and Americans, published by Viking in 1966.